During the nineteenth century, Britain
and France perfected the technique of colonisation by
instituting large-scale social engineering in the colonies.
This process involved the creation of petty nawabs (la petit
nabob), beholden to their foreign masters for their wealth,
social status and power. This class emerged in all colonies,
supporting foreign armies and their civil servants. These
local recruits were the mainstay of a ruthless and cruel
governing structure whose sole aim was to exploit human and
natural resources of the colonies for the benefit of British
or French economies.
When the United States of America
replaced Britain and France as the most aggressive coloniser,
an expansion and further refinement to this crude method
invented the idea of a "Client State". This invention also
became necessary because it had become impossible to rule
distant lands in the manner of the nineteenth century Raj.
Whatever the causes, this new invention is now the most
desirable modus operandi of colonisation and the Unites
States of America has shown remarkable ingenuity in
fine-tuning this operation.
This fine-tuning has produced readily
available blueprints for intervention in any part of the
world where potential for exploitation exists. Bolivia’s
so-called gas war is a prime example of the use of this
methodology. Following the discovery of the second-largest
gas reserves in South America in the southeastern province
of Tarija in the mid-1990s, Britain, the United States and
Spain began their aggression against the tiny republic that
has seen 200 coups since its independence from Spain. To
exploit the reserves, a consortium called Pacific LNG was
formed by British, American and Spanish companies, a plan
costing some $6 billion was drawn up to build a pipeline to
the Pacific coast, where the gas would be processed and
shipped to Mexico and the United States, especially to
California, which is planning to bring gas-fired power
plants on-line in coming years to reduce emissions.
A client government was already in place,
headed by a US-educated President who had been installed
through a pre-meditated process. Further loyalties were
bought through bribes and promises. Soon, contracts were
signed and it was agreed that the consortium would give
Bolivia merely 18% of the future profits from the export of
gas.
When the details of this secretive deal
became known, the people of Bolivia rose in protest, seeing
in this case a recurrence of many centuries of exploitation
of Bolivia’s natural resources by foreigners. This was the
beginning of the so-called "Gas War" in Bolivia. Beholden to
US pressure, the International Monetary Fund’s structural
adjustment programs, and their own petty interests, the
rulers of the client state were thus pitched against their
own people. In September 2003, after weeks of protests,
Bolivian president Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada (nicknamed Goni
for his American ways), ordered his security troops to break
the back of resistance against the sale of gas; the result
was several massacres which drew international attention. Of
course, the government was said to be involved in fighting
terrorism and terrorists. During a ceremony on September 23,
in which the US government gave the Bolivian government
US$63 million in development aid, US ambassador Greenlee
said that the security forces’ intervention in Warisata was
justified.
Another notorious tale of exploitation
through client states is the "colonisation" of water in the
semi-arid region of Cochabamba, Bolivia. In 1999, the World
Bank recommended privatisation of Cochabamba’s municipal
water supply company (SEMAPA) through a concession to
International Water, a subsidiary of US company Bechtel. On
October 1999, the Drinking Water and Sanitation Law was
passed, ending government subsidies and allowing
privatisation. In a city where the minimum wage is less than
$100 a month, water bills rose to $20 a month, nearly the
cost of feeding a family of five for two weeks. By April,
there were large-scale protests. Citizens formed an alliance
called "La Coordinara de Defense del Aqua y de la Vida" (The
Coalition in Defense of Water and Life). In April 2000, the
client government came to the rescue of Bechtel; activists
were arrested, protestors were killed, and media was
censored. But the people ultimately won, the government was
forced to cancel its contract with Bechtel, which is now
suing Bolivia for several million dollars.
Bechtel has now arrived in Iraq. In fact,
Bechtel Group of San Francisco, once headed by George
Shultz, was part of the process of establishing a client
government in Iraq through invasion. Shultz was chairman of
the fiercely pro-war "Committee for the Liberation of Iraq".
In September 2003, Shultz wrote an op-ed article in the
Washington Post under the headline "act now; the danger is
immediate" to support the attack.
Within a month of the beginning of
invasion of Iraq, Bechtel was awarded a $680 million
contract to "rebuild" Iraq. While US planes were bombing out
Iraq’s hospitals, bridges, and water-works, a small group of
people led by George Shultz was planning to move in.
In this redrawn map of the colonization
of other nations, the role of the client state is the same
as that of the Petit Nawab of the nineteenth century. Just
as the Nawab was beholden to his masters for his wealth and
power, a client government exists merely because of the
support it receives from its real masters. Just as the Nawab
had no regard for the life and property of the poor and
unprocessed, the client government has no regard for the
life and property of its own people.
Of course, the new client states being
established around the world have far more power than the
Petty Nawabs of the nineteenth century who were merely
aggrandised local thugs. These client states have been given
a free rein in the name of fighting terrorism. They have
been given arms, ammunition, and electronic gadgets to crush
their own people. Whether it is water privatisation
contracts in Bolivia, "reconstruction" contracts for Iraq,
or the "war against terrorism" in the remote areas of Yemen,
Pakistan, or Chechnya, further shackling of the world’s poor
is taking place through the establishment of an economy of
loot and violence with the cooperation of client states.
Against this current, a powerful global
movement of the oppressed peoples around the world is also
taking shape. In May 2003, the people of Bolivia sent an
open letter to the people of Iraq to express solidarity.
"Dear brothers and sisters of Iraq," the letter began, "we
have watched carefully in recent weeks and months as you
have suffered under the pains of war and its chaotic and
unstable aftermath. Our hearts are with you and your
families. We write to you now because we fear that you might
be made victims of additional suffering at the hands of an
evil corporation, Bechtel, which has been awarded a massive
contract by the US government to rebuild infrastructure in
your country. Bechtel is the same corporation which took
over the public water system of our city Cochabamba three
years ago."
One wonders who would win this war? At
what cost? How many more lives will have to be lost before a
just order is established in the world? And most
importantly, why are the people of America silent against
this global crime against humanity being committed by their
government and corporations?